The book (editor Sabrow 2023) and the exhibition “Gewalt gegen Weimar. Zerreißproben der frühen Republik 1918-1923” need a broad European audience. The violence, which in the medium term destroyed the newly founded democracy of the Weimar Republic in Germany, is linked to the immediate aftermath of the 1st world war. The relatively calm abolition of monarchy in Germany did in no way prevent the eruption of violence within the new democracy. Extreme forces prepared in organized ways (Organisation Consul) and some in open public discourses the potential for the use of violence. Armaments left over from war equipped the Freikorps Movements and the potential to use the weapons was present at all times in the aftermath of WW1 in Germany. The contributions to the volume provide a detailed account of these 5 crucial years when democracy was able to defend itself against all odds. The strategies to take control of the country were built on a violent rhetoric which prepared the ground to put violent talk into action later on. This spiral of violence is hard to de-escalate once started. However, democracies have to foster ways to calm the spirits in periods of high potential violence. Elections as well as the campaigns before are the arms of democratic change. They should be used as such to pave the way to compromise.
EURO 2024
Before the EURO 2024, (European soccer championship) has even started, the host country Germany and the DFB- foundation for culture joined forces for a remarkable exhibition. In the “National Gallery of Contemporary Art” and next to the Berlin Hauptbahnhof a provocative video installation is mounted that uses the imagery of soccer (football) to portray the life and atmosphere associated with soccer. Injuries on the playing field, but even more so injuries caused by violent groups among the spectators create an emotionally charged representation before, during and after the match. The role of the umpire is central in the match and in the cultural project. Shattered dreams are part of the game for players as well as spectators. Visual impressions have contributed enormously to spectacular success of football on television. The masses of viewers has created a big business of television rights and merchandising products as well. The DFB Kulturstiftung undertakes great efforts to open up the discussion about soccer in a critical way through art projects. The entry into the installation resembles the entry of players through a tunnel into the huge stadium. The world of soccer has multiple links to physical and psychic violence. The installation “Winner” signed by Marianna Simnett challenges the media’s largely beautiful videos about the world of football. In the ocean of enthusiasm this exhibition is just a tiny grain of salt, adding spice to life.
100 x 100
It is the horrible tragedy that Hamas terrorists after more than 100 days hold still more than 100 hostages. We shall never forget. Just like the terrorists taking hostages 51 years ago during the Munich Olympic games 1972. I believe it is about time to remember Winston Churchill’s famous words with a few changes, if I maybe allowed: “We shall never surrender. We shall fight terrorists on land and on sea. We shall fight them in the air and underground, in space if we need to.” This is part of not forgetting terror and staying alert to looming risks. For some the painful memories last their whole life long. Others, far too many, just forget, or worse, deny the facts.
Finding Peace
In international conflicts it the task of diplomacy to find or negotiate peace agreements. Monitoring of the evolution and progress is part of the deal. For societies internally it is equally important to find peace again. Totalitarian regimes are characterized by terror and intimidation of its own citizens. This holds true today as much as in the past. Finding peace, however, necessitates to prosecute criminals and this irrespective of their previous or current status in society. The American authorities after the 2nd world war have held more than ten thousand prisoners due to their commanding functions in the NS-time. After 3 years of imprisonment and attempts of so-called re-education the evaluation of the results were of very modest success. Most prisoners would find excuses rather than admit to their participation in the killing machine of the Nazi throughout Europe and over more than a decade.
The study by Christa Horn (1992) “Die Internierungs- und Arbeitslager in Bayern 1945-1952” comes to the same sobering conclusion (p. 127 extract below). This bears the danger that the totalitarian ideology continues to have supporters and even the transmission to other generations might be attempted. This highlights the importance of reconciliation in the lengthy process of finding peace. It far from easy to resolve who is guilty and of what. The Americans started the process before handing over responsibility to the regional judicial system. More than 75 years after 1945 we still have to name and insist on the criminal behavior of the totalitarian regime with millions of party officials and even more followers. Finding peace is a protracted process if not a struggle that involves 3 and maybe 4 generations by now.
Strafbar
Wir alle wissen, dass in Deutschland die Verwendung von Symbolen der Nationalsozialisten zum Beispiel in Fotos strafrechtlich verfolgt werden kann. Das trifft auch auf vermeintlich nur private Verwendung zu. Dazu hat das Bundesverfassungsgericht eine hilfreiche Erläuterung und Auflistung erstellt (Link dazu hier).
Das Oberverwaltungsgericht von Rheinland-Pfalz hat bereits klargestellt, dass eine Unterstützung der Reichsbürger für Beamte zum Verlust des Ruhegehalts führt. (Pressemitteilung OVG RF) Die Demokratie hat sich Mittel für ihre aktive Verteidigung geschaffen. Diese rechtsstaatlichen Mittel müssen wir noch entschiedener einsetzen.
Hilfreich kann das Weiterlesen auf der Konrad Adenauer Stiftung dazu sein. Dort wird in allgemeinverständlicher Art beschrieben, dass die zur Schau Stellung von Teilen der Uniform und Symbolen seit Gründung der Bundesrepublik verboten ist.
Meist steht hinter der Verwendung dieser Symbole keine Dummheit, sondern eine bewusste Aggression oder gar Boshaftigkeit gegenüber anderen Menschen. Menschenverachtung der Nationalsozialisten lässt sich nicht entschuldigen, damals nicht und heute nicht. Image: Edgar Degas d’après Rembrandt 2023 BnF.
Frauen! Leben! Freiheit!
Das Schicksal von Jina Mahsa Amini ist vielen bekannt. Die Ermordung in der Haft hat weltweite Aufmerksamkeit auf das Schreckensregime im Iran geworfen. Im Oktober 2023 ist nun die Kämpferin für Freiheitsrechte im Iran Narges Mohammadi auch stellvertretend für die vielen inhaftierten und ermordeten Frauen mit dem Friedensnobelpreis gewürdigt worden. Sie hat bereits viele Jahre einer zehnjährigen Haftstrafe im Gefängnis verbracht und schwere Misshandlungen erfahren.
Das Buch mit dem deutschen Titel „Frauen! Leben! Freiheit!“ ist als Rowohlt Taschenbuch im September 2023 erschienen. Es dokumentiert ihren unablässigen Kampf für Frieden und Freiheit nach ihrer rechtswidrigen und willkürlichen Verhaftung. Bereits auf dem Kongress des Europäischen Gewerkschaftsbundes (EGB) im Mai 2023 hatte die Vorsitzende des DGB Yasmin Fahimi eine Resolution vorgebracht, die die Solidarität mit den Frauen im Iran nachdrücklich betonte. Missachtung grundlegender Menschenrechte wurde verurteilt und mit überragender Mehrheit vom EGB beschlossen (Kurzvideo). Darin war sich Europa und darüber hinaus die ganze zivilisierte Welt einig. Jetzt mit dem Friedensnobelpreis für Narges Mohammadi und der weiten Verfügbarkeit der Buchveröffentlichung dazu (siehe Bild unten) können die Interviews mit den Frauen in der Gefangenschaft des iranischen Regimes auf Deutsch gelesen werden. Hinschauen, Nachlesen, sich für die Freilassung einsetzen, das bleibt unsere Verantwortung.
Gewaltloser Widerstand ist Aufgabe der Freiheitsliebenden. Leben retten von denjenigen die Leben schenken. Die iranischen Frauen kämpfen mit friedlichen Mitteln gegen eine unermessliche Gewaltherrschaft und Unterdrückung. In bescheidenem Ausmaß können wir mit unserer Aufmerksamkeit und internationalen Anerkennung diesen Frieden- und Freiheitswillen unterstützen.
Unwinding violence
A common metaphor to describe rising or erupting violence is the “spiral of violence”. In exerting violence by one person or group, the response of the other person or group is even more violent and, potentially, the response to the response makes use again of more violence. The spiralling up of violence is hard to stop or to reverse. Law as well as its enforcement has to play a major role in this process. However, if the police violence is involved as part of the spiralling process the process gets even more complicated. Beware of the beginnings of such a process.
In France in July 2023 the debate about violence is wide open. Contributions to the debate in Le Monde deal with the discussion to claim equal treatment of violence from “fundamental ecologists” as well as extremist defendants of industrial agriculture (Stéphane Foucart). Both sides became more radical in their actions and threaten an escalation in case of governmental inaction. The “triangle of silence” is also a breeding spot with a potential for violent confrontations. Groups in society that have no voice in parliament or local governments frequently use violent actions to raise awareness to their concerns as politics and media tend to ignore “not so nice” images and reporting from areas with multiple disadvantages and social confrontations.
One of the proposed solutions by Marcel Marloie (published in LeMonde) proposes to rethink urban planning deviating from the path proposed originally by Le Corbusier. Instead of offering public parks that are cultivated (and policed) by the local government, entrust areas of collective gardening to the disadvantaged communities. The empowering role is, to master your own piece of happiness. The “bonheur à la Voltaire” is likely to increase attachment to your local and neighbouring community. Of course, this is not evolving without conflicts, but these are processes of accepting compromises and mediation rather than violent resolution of conflicts or aggression out of desperation.
Contrary to the belief that some big projects (Olympic games in Paris) should contribute to unite a nation(s), it might well lead to further segregation of persons who benefit from the games and those who are unable to enjoy some sort of participation in the event. Further gentrification of Paris is likely to be the result. Poorer or lower middle-class people will no longer be able to live in the renovated suburbs that have more public space being privatised and turned into for profit activities. The challenge is to build areas that enhance trust in people, trust in institutions and politics. Schools, associations, trade unions, political parties and social institutions have an important role to play in this respect. The way forward is with more communication and deliberation, not less, especially for and with the most distant groups of a societal consensus.
Collective Violence 2
Summers and Markusen (1999) subsume state terrorism under the broader heading of collective violence. Even beyond non-governmental groups, states might apply collective violence against innocent people. Among the strategies governments use as a form of collective violence fall (1) arbitrary arrests, (2) imprisonment without trial, (3) torture and (4)a summary execution of members of alleged enemy groups. Particular outcries are caused by, for example, police or other para-military groupings of persons who jump from (1) to an execution of an innocent person or of several even seemingly unrelated murdered persons (4b).
Amnesty International attempts for decades to fight against such occurrences on an almost global scale. The need to complement the national legal systems through supra-national instances as well as NGOs in this domain is obvious. Even the most advanced democracies need to permanently check their systems for several forms of state terrorism or abuses of power to eliminate or intimidate opposition.
Staub (1999, pp.195) undertook an attempt to list elements that allow to predict and maybe prevent collective violence. The theory starts with “conditions of life” more generally like economic, social and political conflicts as well as rapid social change. Activation of basic needs in people, like several forms of security, challenges to a person’s self-concept, traditional values, simply the customary way of life (COVID-19) or new comprehension of (climate) realities, they all challenge old world views of people (superiority) and their place in the world (AI).
Claims for support by other people (government), missing connection to others (individualism) lead people to focus more on their own needs and isolated action. Rebellion as collective violence is directed against differences in status, power and (social) rights. Self-interest is becoming an overriding societal principle. Racism (p.200) and police violence (p.201) are part of Staub’s theoretical considerations. He argues in favour of training of situations in which a police officer is likely to become unnecessarily violent or to stop it if it occurs. At least a medium-term solution.
Framing of such training as preparation of good teamwork rather than betrayal is crucial in action teams, be they in the police or the military. The reader on “violence subie, violence agie” by Seron and Denis (2000) allows us to take a step back and reflect on the spirals and repercussions involved in violence from the perspective of the person who carries out an act of violence and the victim. A social-therapeutic approach aiming at reconciliation is worth trying, albeit a lot of obstacles. Collective dance rather than collective violence is the immediate as well as long-term solution (More on dance here).
Triangle without words
There are many forms of triangles. Jacques Pain (2000, pp.121-136) adds another one. “Jeunes, banlieue, école : le triangle sans parole” (Youth, suburb, school : the triangle without voice). He calls it a symbolic, sensitive triangle which is confronted with mounting difficulties from inside as well as external pressure. Pain describes and analyses the violence that emanates from the triangle.
Additionally, the triangle appears to be spiralling upwards causing mounting pressure on the social fabric of whole societies. Education systems have to deliver sufficient numbers of youth ready for insertion into the labour market, ready to accept the subordination to hierarchical structures while at the same time being confronted with high social contributions to other parts of society and unrepairable environmental damage and depletion of resources by older generations. With high interest rates even the middle-class dream of a house with garden is out of reach for almost all of the young growing up in suburbs, disadvantaged schools with pervasive violence. Dealing drugs or taking drugs has become pervasive and an entry port into the violence of law in addition to the violence of the street, school or even home.
Give the triangle a voice. Call the names of the victims so that politicians do not forget all too quickly what is their duty to guarantee – a youth free of violence and a youth with an equal chance for learning. Free from violence, but free to learn or be given a chance to find your way into society at large not only restrained to your suburb.
Reference to the historic riots of the mid-1960s (Saul Bernstein, 1967, p. 27) and the recent Paris riot statistics from July 2023 suggest that history doesn’t repeat itself, but it seems to rhyme. A breaking of the silent triangle is like an eruption of a volcano. Violence is all over the place and leaves a lot of burned land and people. Cohort effects might prolong the suffering further throughout their life courses. Stigmatisation is likely reinforced rather than overcome. For the so-called holy trinity there were many words and songs. The modern triangle within society is still in search of the right wording, although rap-music is shouting loud about “la misère du monde”, only we are not really listening.