Summers and Markusen (1999) subsume state terrorism under the broader heading of collective violence. Even beyond non-governmental groups, states might apply collective violence against innocent people. Among the strategies governments use as a form of collective violence fall (1) arbitrary arrests, (2) imprisonment without trial, (3) torture and (4)a summary execution of members of alleged enemy groups. Particular outcries are caused by, for example, police or other para-military groupings of persons who jump from (1) to an execution of an innocent person or of several even seemingly unrelated murdered persons (4b).
Amnesty International attempts for decades to fight against such occurrences on an almost global scale. The need to complement the national legal systems through supra-national instances as well as NGOs in this domain is obvious. Even the most advanced democracies need to permanently check their systems for several forms of state terrorism or abuses of power to eliminate or intimidate opposition.
Staub (1999, pp.195) undertook an attempt to list elements that allow to predict and maybe prevent collective violence. The theory starts with “conditions of life” more generally like economic, social and political conflicts as well as rapid social change. Activation of basic needs in people, like several forms of security, challenges to a person’s self-concept, traditional values, simply the customary way of life (COVID-19) or new comprehension of (climate) realities, they all challenge old world views of people (superiority) and their place in the world (AI).
Claims for support by other people (government), missing connection to others (individualism) lead people to focus more on their own needs and isolated action. Rebellion as collective violence is directed against differences in status, power and (social) rights. Self-interest is becoming an overriding societal principle. Racism (p.200) and police violence (p.201) are part of Staub’s theoretical considerations. He argues in favour of training of situations in which a police officer is likely to become unnecessarily violent or to stop it if it occurs. At least a medium-term solution.
Framing of such training as preparation of good teamwork rather than betrayal is crucial in action teams, be they in the police or the military. The reader on “violence subie, violence agie” by Seron and Denis (2000) allows us to take a step back and reflect on the spirals and repercussions involved in violence from the perspective of the person who carries out an act of violence and the victim. A social-therapeutic approach aiming at reconciliation is worth trying, albeit a lot of obstacles. Collective dance rather than collective violence is the immediate as well as long-term solution (More on dance here). 
Law’s Violence
In legal studies the use of social thoughts are marginal, although AI has the potential to replace millions of lawyers just guiding through the jungle of laws and jurisprudence especially if several languages are involved (fiscal rules). Only with the eruption of major crises like police violence we start referring back to social and political thought and theories that enlighten the relationship of law, legislation and the social spheres. There is a huge, mainly American, literature on “law’s violence” even beyond the issue of capital punishment, the most obvious form of law’s violence (Sarat and Kearns, 1995). Basic elements of the relationship of law and violence follow from the notion of enforceability of law. Force is a constituent part of law, whether we like it or not, much like Derrida stated decades ago. Walter Benjamin and Albert Camus, both have contributed substantially towards our realisation that law is intrinsically linked to violence.
Linked to political theories, we have the conservative and liberal doctrines that see legitimate violence of the state as part of the normal organisation of statehood. The humanist tradition stresses the function of law as community-building as well as creating meaning, joint objectives and shared vision through law. In daily politics governments refer to one or the other doctrines as they see fit.
Sarat and Kearns (1995, p.8) also point to the tendency in legal studies to refer to singular cases and singular judgements, “discrete acts of its agents” and institutions rather than the overall picture of the violence of law. With respect to violence of the police the authors refer back to Jerome Skolnick, “Justice without trial”(1967), which in 2023 we link to the police violence in France. Police men provoking violence, execute their personal vision of justice and without a chance for a trial of their victim. The 60s are back on streets in Paris. The violence of law is visible for millions as the ratcheting up of power in favour of police to apply more violence in prosecuting “delinquents”. This had recently been voted by the French parliament with a conservative and liberal majority (LeMonde 2023-7-2 p.). The notion “Gewaltspirale”, a spiralling-up of violence, seems to be a fair description of what we currently witness in France.
Violence is embedded in words, uses of language and not only acts. Even in the field of representation and representative democracy, violence is present. Who represents or decides about life and pain for a fatally ill person? Why are persons of 14, 15, 16, 17 years of age not represented in parliaments, if others are deciding on their compulsory education, prison sentences and poverty relief.
At times it is necessary to take a step back and refresh our memories of the “pain-imposing, death-dealing acts” (Sarat and Kearns, 1995, p.10) of law. The abundant presence of violence of law in religious narratives is, however, another element worth analysing as part of the history of ideas at another time. (Image: Extrait de Frans Snijders, La chienne et ses petits 17th century)
Violence 2023
The public debate about violence suffers from a lack of broad scientific reflection of the notion. C.A.J. Coady (1998, Vol.9 pp 615-17). In philosophy at least 2 theories address violence directly. A legitimate definition of violence treats violence as the illegitimate use of force. It is a kind of moralising appeal to reserve violence to those legally well-defined cases that receive their legitimacy from law. Next in the line of reasoning then is the definition of legitimacy. Slaves or colonies in this definition would never be allowed to use violence in their fight for freedom. This is recognised as a logical problem of such a definition. “In a legitimate state, shooting or savage beating by police will not count as violence, if it is a politically legitimate use of force.” (p.615).
The second theory of violence builds on the notion of “structural violence” (Johan Galtung, 1969). Structural violence is a much wider concept of violence. It includes social injustices inflicted on individuals or groups in society (suffering) as well as a broader view on perpetrators beyond individual persons to include police or institutions more generally. Coady stresses the point that both these theories are morally loaded without sufficient justification. Even a narrow definition of violence as “exercise of physical force” is too narrow, as it neglects the devastating effects of psychological violence. Part of the judgement therefore is motivation or intention of the person applying violence to clarify a moral stance. Psychic disorders or abuse in social upbringing are recognized as attenuating influences in legal procedures.
A wise conclusion is drawn by Coady: “Even justified violence is regrettable” (p.617). Living in permanent fear of abuse of violence by criminals or the police narrows the gap between authoritarian regimes and democracies. The basic social fabric of trust in the police is at risk in such a situation. It is very hard to re-establish trust in institutions once groups of society have lost it or even doubt that basic trust in the institutions of democracies is justified. (Image: Part of Pieter Brueghel II, De kindermoord te Bethlehem Musées royaux des beaux arts, Brussels, 16th century). 
Police Violence
As a test of the viability of ChatGPT you might enter Police Violence. What you get in return is just a summary of some nice newspaper-ike editorial of a polite statement that this is a problem about everywhere and that the division of power will take care of it eventually. This is an unfair summary, but it highlights the risk of too many conservative editorialists in Europe that do not dare to take sides of the innocent youth that is at a permanent risk of police violence due them living on the margins of our modern, fast-moving societies that do not allow for lifestyles off-the-normal “protestant work ethic”.
Perceptions of what is fun and what is serious differ within societies, particularly between generations. Baby boomers have known and many experienced unemployment. Youth today has “precarious jobs” just around the corner. But just having “any” job without any career potential or, at best, on the minimum wage is no longer enough. Social media show that there is much more to life than just a 8-5 normal job. High-streets are full of marketing tricks that solicit people into spending without cross-checking their red lines.
Police and the flourishing private security sector are then charged to ensure that boundaries of financial and spending power are respected. This is exactly where the capitalist market economy fails the people. Without a tough police, ensuring property rights, the system cannot survive. Social market economies claim to soften the borders between have-nots and have-too-much. This needs permanent readjustment. That is where many of our social market economies have failed the poor and even middle-class people threatened with economic and status decline (latest at time of retirement).
Reactions may turn out violent, and again, the police is sent in to “stop” violence. As it turns out police, being abused as “political weapon”, may then become overly violent as well. Not as an overall force, but specific units or just several individual persons who have been trained in anti-terror exercises and have “a license to kill” (007). French legislation has recently facilitated the use of guns to impose the monopoly of power. The probability of who constitutes a potential target might be interpreted by the police itself. A threatening situation is perceived differently by different persons. Too much room for interpretation.
The image of the French superpower that is threatened by a 17-year-old youngster is not credible. It is time to sharpen the control of the police also in France. ChatGPT only on special addition includes the social movement of “Black lives matter” in the return on police violence. If you know the topic you can make use of the AI tools in drafting on police violence for example. Rather than to spend billions on fancy Olympic Games in preparation for Paris 2024, youth programmes would be much better investments in the medium and long run.
Tourists cancel visits to Paris and France in masses already. That is probably the only lesson that receives sufficient attention in the current government and may lead to better control of violence not from some pick-pockets, but from the police as well. 
AI Friends
Making friends with AI is a tricky question. The more AI is able to make independent thinking based on algorithms and huge amounts of data like in scientific books or encyclopaedic knowledge the more it will challenge us in our convictions. Reference knowledge, once was important, it no longer distinguishes us from each other. Recurse to research engines has allowed us to refer to “trustworthy” knowledge. The distributed form of knowledge accumulation like in Wikipedia relies on hundreds of thousands of enthusiasts to add and correct received wisdom. However, this source is not without error or even subject to abuse.
Today the competence to judge whether information is trustworthy or not has become a key competence for the survival of democracies and even the human species as such. Tricking animals into traps, misleading enemies in warfare to get on wrong tracks, all these mechanisms have a long tradition. With AI human beings are themselves, for the first time, confronted with a machine that can trick us through falsified information on obviously wrong tracks. This is a tough lesson as AI is not obliged (so far) to run checking algorithms that test the conformity of opinions, conclusions or operations with the Charta of Human Rights or decisions of the European Court of Justice, for example. A lot to do for humans to rapidly program new algorithms that check algorithms as well as their outcomes on the compatibility with human rights. A challenging field, no doubt, but no way around it for our own survival before the algorithms decide by themselves to ignore us altogether because it is better for the planet and the survival of the robots. 
Political theory and inflation
A political theory in the area political economy is prone to be labelled as classical, neo-classical, Keynesian, Neo- or Post-Keynesian or heterodox economics. This is a university level course in the history of economic ideas, if you like this. Let’s try something creative here. We have unprecedented levels of inflation currently in Europe and many other parts of the world. Reasons for this are higher prices for energy, transportation and food. Anything else you need for life? You must be an artist or a priest, a bit off the normal, it seems to many economists. Add to this that, we want to foster strategic autonomy in Europe rather than anything from China that is cheaper and more polluting. In 2023 we have inflation stay with us for some years. Central banks give out warnings in this direction now as well, having negated the problem for far too long (their own statistics ECB on long-term forecasts of inflation).
Besides the ample economic advice (IMF), depending on which theory of money and the economy you adhere to, political theory allows a refreshing perspective on these economic facts and trajectories. (1) From an international strategic perspective, countries that have to renegotiate a lot of their debt or take new credits to finance imported food, energy or transport will run into insolvency rather quickly. Self-sufficiency becomes an economic asset not only a geo-strategic one. Turn around globalisation is a side-effect.
(2) Countries eager to build new public infrastructure, irrespective of concerns for bio-diversity, might reschedule or abandon huge projects, thereby reducing their CO2 footprint. This reduces the official counting of GDP, but has beneficial effects to save the planet in the medium term.
(3) Individuals and households will have to reconsider their consumption patterns: more expenditure for food, less for energy and/or transport. Behavioural changes might be induced by inflation. Less of some form of consumption, guided by inflation, will induce reductions in CO2 most likely as well.
So far this is only applied economic theory as in any textbook. A more challenging political economy question is to ask: can we come to like inflation? Can we change our preference set (ECB growth dogma) for economic variables? Southern countries in Europe seem to like inflation more than the North. Does this depend on historical experiences or is it cultural or personality trait? There is again a huge money transfer due to inflation within the Eurozone. The less indebted countries pay with loss of their purchasing power of their savings and indirectly pay for the highly indebted countries mainly in the South. European and international solidarity will be put to a tough test.
As governments fear of being voted out of power they tend to soften the price signals from markets. Again, it is cultural more than economic to what extent people are willing to accept state interference in economic affairs even of households need for food. From an ecological point of view inflation could be our friend due to the potential to induce behavioural changes. However, more expensive bio-products seem to get crowded out due to further price rises and many even middle-income households seem to return to cheaper non-bio food in many countries. The distributive effects of inflation are a major issue here. Same rationale seems to apply to transport. If you can no longer afford CO2 saving transport by train, since it has become overly expensive more people are likely to take a heavily polluting low-cost flight to your holiday location.
Hence, from a political economy perspective liking inflation might well turn out to be a rich, white man’s perspective on the economy as the global South is likely to suffer most having no resources left to invest in energy and CO2 -saving in general. Price signals may induce behavioural changes for the better of us all. However, the story it is not only about allocation of resources, but also about distribution. There we should embrace a renewal of trade union strength to correct imbalances in the distribution of earnings as the basis for consumption and investment of households as well. (Image: Tapta, at Wiels Gallery in Brussels, 2023-6, mostly untitled work, one with title: on the edge of time). 
Political theory
In the Handbook of political theory, Chandran Kukathas (2004, pp.250) explains the uneasy relationship between nationalism and multiculturalism in politics and political theory. The Russian war in Ukraine can be considered as a way of suppression of multiculturalism in Russia by negating the right of Ukraine to be an independent nation. As Russia is not allowing “group rights” (Offe, 1998) for Ukrainians or other minorities like the Chechens within Russia, the secession of regions is a permanent threat to the survival of the Russian state.
“How the many can live as one remains a salient question in political theory” (Kukathas 2004, pp.261). Democracies have squared this circle with reference to federalism. Remember, the very foundation of the United States of America has been built on the Federalist papers. Organising regional diversity is at the heart of democracies’ success and failure. In most democratic political systems 2 chambers have contributed to make the voices of the regions heard at the central level. It remains an obvious question to doubt the possibility of authoritarian states to ensure unity despite diversity.
In non-explanatory theory, if we consider those still a theory, we could derive a hypothesis that authoritarian states will eventually fail to accommodate multiculturalism or allowing sufficient diversity and still survive as political unity. The history of the fall of empires is full of examples in this respect. Another more internal threat has been and still is corruption. Corruption was on the list of issues mentioned in the June 2023 uprise and defeat of the rebel military group “Wagner” in Russia. Non-explanatory political theory might still offer some clues, rationale and hypotheses to stimulate the analysis of international relations. The survival of democracies and/or authoritarian regimes estimated on the basis of huge data bases are hard to come by or lack crucial indicators or timeliness. Such reasoning makes the referral to Clausewitz as theorist of war still a common point of reference. The recent example of Russia , however, shows acting in the national interest can easily be claimed by multiple actors in international politics. (Image: House of European History, Brussels). 
Ukraine Diary
The gallery curated by Dr. Justyna Napiórkowsak in Brussels has another ongoing exhibition with art work from Ukrainian artists. As before in the exhibitions on the war of Russia in Ukraine, they put a major emphasis on the independence and resilience of Ukrainian art despite the ongoing war. To keep a diary of atrocities, but also survival and resistance to violence by Ukrainians, is a great effort. It stems primarily from artists that struggle to find adequate material to keep working or not to succumb to the participation in active war or military defence efforts. Using soft colours, water colours, has a rather symbolic meaning, after the inundation caused by the explosion of the huge water reservoir on Ukraine’s territory. Producing art in form of a diary, like reporting daily to yourself and the outside world as well as later born persons, has an important historic function, too.
No less than the “Diaries of Anne Franck” comes to our mind when thinking about a diary during war time. Russia’s attempt to eradicate Ukrainian culture is bound to fail. We shall cherish the Ukrainian diaries from the war time now and later. Thanks for reminding us of this collector’s duty to support the artists, writers and people of Ukraine. 
Recht auf Wohnen
Das Recht auf Wohnen ist ein Grundrecht.
Grundrechte sind nicht verhandelbar, so wie die unveräußerlichen Menschenrechte. Selbst unsere Wohlstandsgesellschaften tun sich recht schwer damit, ein einfaches Wohnrecht für alle zu verwirklichen. Ganz besonders in Städten, die eine hohe und stetig steigende Nachfrage nach Wohnungen verzeichnen. Da will viel geplant und gebaut werden. Dennoch läuft das Angebot an Wohnungen der Nachfrage ständig hinterher.
Nicht überall (nur ein kleines Dorf in Gallien). Weite Landstriche leiden am beständigen Fortzug von Jungen, die eine noch stärker alternde Einwohnerschaft auf dem Lande zurücklassen.
Das atemberaubende Großstadtleben hat viele Vorzüge. Bildung, Wissenschaft, Kultur, internationale Unternehmen und höhere Toleranzschwellen. Nach solchen Erfahrungen fällt die beengte Dorfgemeinschaft schwer, selbst wenn viel Platz, Luft,Wasser und Wohnraum preiswert zur Verfügung stehen. Gute Verkehrsanbindung des ländlichen Raumes an die Innenstädte mit ihrem vielfältigen Angebot ist ein zentraler Lösungsbaustein. Das Häusle in der Vorstadt, abends in die Oper, morgens im See nackt baden und mittags nach Smoothie im Himalaya Restaurant vegetarisch speisen. Die neue Bohème gleich in vielen Aspekten den Eliten der 20er Jahre. Schön und gut.
Die Kehrseite der Medaille (Avers – Revers) waren die großen Wohnungsbaugesellschaften der 10er und 20er Jahre, beispielsweise in Berlin, die für wachsenden und erschwinglichen Wohnraum sorgten. Die großen Firmen der Epoche haben bei den neuen Siedlungen kräftig mitgeholfen. Es gab Zeiten, da haben Arbeitervereine und Gewerkschaften gemeinsam in die Hände gespuckt und sich staatlich unterstützt, preiswerten Wohnraum selbst geschaffen. Eine Gefahr von Korruption besteht, kann aber kontrolliert werden.
Die Herausforderung durch die hohe Inflation steht im Untertitel des Zeitungsartikels der Berliner Zeitung: „Die sinkende Reallohnentwicklung“ führt zu zusätzlichen Ängsten und realer Bedrohung für die vielen Geringverdiener, Arbeitslosen und Integrationsbedürftigen. Das braucht rasche Antworten, nicht nur von den Parteien, die „sozial“ in ihrem parteipolitischen Namen führen. Obwohl, schnell geht im Bauwesen selten etwas. Großspurige Ankündigungen werden nur selten eingehalten, besonders bei Wohnungsbauprojekten. Das Recht auf Wohnen bleibt ein Beispiel für die Notwendigkeit und für die Herausforderungen einer sozialen Marktwirtschaft. 
Touraine
Alain Touraine hat die französische Soziologie entscheidend geprägt. Aus seiner außergewöhnlichen Biografie wird rasch ersichtlich, wie er nicht nur seine Leben, sondern auch seine Art der Soziologie „von untern“, vom Individuum her, gedacht hat. Gerade der Prozess der Subjektivierung, die Autonomie des Subjekts betonende Sichtweise bildet ein Gegengewicht zu dem systemischen Blick auf Gesellschaft, beispielsweise von Luhmann. Soziale Bewegungen, die auf dem Engagement von Personen gründen, sind unverzichtbarer Bestandteil von Demokratien.
Neben Begriffen wie die post-industrielle Gesellschaft oder neue soziale Bewegungen hat Alain Touraine weit mehr als die “Sociologie du Travail” in Frankreich geprägt. Bereits seine Dissertation über « L’Évolution du travail ouvrier aux usines Renault“ in 1955 unterstrich sein Interesse an den Lebensverhältnissen der arbeitenden Bevölkerung. Der Umfang seiner soziologischen Studien, die schon früh große Umfragen beinhalteten, war im besten Sinne des Wortes problem-orientiert, besser noch politik-orientiert. Dabei übernahm er immer Verantwortung, seine Lösungsansätze politikberatend einzubringen. 
Die Würdigung von Alain Touraine in einer Podcastserie von 5 x ½ Stunde aus 2019 bei France Culture gibt einen groben Überblick über die prägende Wirkung von Alain Touraine jenseits von seinen soziologischen Arbeiten. An dieser Persönlichkeit wird zusätzlich deutlich, wie sprachliche Grenzen, selbst in den Köpfen von soziologiebetreibenden Forschenden selbst im 21. Jahrhundert fortwirken. Das hat selbst Alain Touraine mit gut 90 Jahren an sich kritisiert. Asiatische, arabische und afrikanische Denkanstöße kamen wenig in seinem Werk vor. Vielleicht reicht ein Leben nicht dafür, zumindest die Zugänglichkeit der Weltliteratur hat sich erheblich erweitert. Bleibt die Frage nach der Zeit und dem Willen, sich auch andere Denkgebäude, -begrifflichkeiten und -kulturen zu erarbeiten.
Corruption EP
Corruption is a severe crime. Not only in administrations, organisations and enterprises, but primarily in democracies it is discrediting political systems. Autocracies rely on corruption as a major tool to be able to persist over time. They are used to such practices. Democracies rely on meritocratic systems, where ideas, effort and winning elections should be the major ingredient of achieving higher positions in organisations, enterprises, political parties and democracies. This is not easy to ensure. The European parliament has a tough time to get rid of an enemy of the democratic Europe. Rather than stepping aside for the time of the legal procedure, Eva Kaili, accused, but not yet convicted of corruption is willing to destroy the European project as much as she can. If money can buy political decisions, the European project will no longer find wide-spread support. Big interests will always have a strategic advantage, however, the ethical principles on which democracies are found have to guard against corrupt misbehaviour. The same applies to the business world. Even low corruption countries like Sweden still face a risk of adverse effects of corruption like the negative impact on entrepreneurship on the local level. It is another context, but the same conclusion.
Additionally, it is part of the strategy of corrupt persons to portray themselves as victims of other persons’ wrong-doing. The major function of this strategy is to remind other persons in the corrupt network that the network has still some clout on its members as well as outside the inner circle. Hey, we are still alive and in powerful positions, they proclaim.
Therefore, the fight against corruption is a long and persistent one. Reducing the guards against early onsets usually is very lengthy to fight later on. Always a painful lesson for believers in democracy and the European project. (image Jacques Jordaens before 1678 “The King Drinks! Musées royaux des beaux arts, Brussels). 
Birds
The study published in PNAS in May 2023 is demonstrating the loss in bio-diversity with respect to birds over last few decades. Our economic growth has caused considerable costs. Some of these costs we shall never be able to make up again. Species gone for ever, we should care. Measuring the loss is a first step in calculating the negative impact our economic growth models have already caused. Time to stop, repair and reverse as much as we still can. It is not fair to next generations to destroy a large amount of bio-diversity now and leave the exploited planet to “no-future generations”. A good documentation of the losses (radio-france-LINK) allows us to pin down who is most responsible for the losses. Agro-industry with the heavy use of pesticides is well known for the huge negative impact it has on bird populations and us as well. It is not only a European issue, but rather a world-wide issue. However, starting at home is a huge step to practice agriculture differently. Most of this is known for some time. It is the implementation of the necessary policies where powerful lobbying is successful to carry on as usual. Thinking “Beyond growth” delivers many useful perspectives and solutions to these problems. 
Democracy is key
The ETUC congress in Berlin 2023 prepares the working agenda for the next 4 years. A lot of support across political parties is voiced in favour of the important role the ETUC plays in coordinating the European Trade Union Movement. The democratic forum of all delegates works before and during the congress on a comprehensive list of essentials for the movement. It is much more than about wages, as most people might believe. Of course, minimum wages and fair wages are always high on the agenda. The strength of the 2023 Berlin congress for me consists in the widespread and loud call to intensify democratic structures and broaden participation of workers at all levels. The power of the unions to fight for democracy is dearly needed in all European nations with the threat from far-right populist movements. Strengthening workers is the best way to foster democracy. Throughout the congress several support facilities have been mentioned like the SURE instrument as a step into a European labour market policy.
Public services have also enjoyed more popular support, since essential services were the jobs that kept our countries running during the COVID crisis.
A just transition to a green economy in a democratic spirit means taking everybody with us on this journey. Fighting poverty, inequality is still high on the agenda and most people are convinced that democratic societies are highly sensitive to injustices caused by education systems, remuneration systems, retirement systems and tax systems. Even industrial policy, to guarantee our independence and values, is also linked to essential workers cooperation.
Weak social policies erode the trust in our societies to handle crises. The engagement of trade unions is felt far beyond Europe. Gilbert F Houngbo (ILO), hopes that due diligence is rapidly implemented in Europe, because it will benefit workers well beyond Europe across the world.
Union leaders were arrested in Belarus and in many other countries where they stand for democratic values. Trade Unionist from Europe have shown their own commitment to fight for democracy and mobilize to convince more people and youth to join the movement. “Donner l’envie de s’engager …” (LeMonde 26-5-2023 p.28) “Raise the urge to get involved” – that is the democratic challenge. 
Gewaltmonopol
Für Demokratien ist die Frage des Gewaltmonopols eine sehr entscheidende Frage. In gleichem Atemzug muss dabei die demokratische Kontrolle dieses Monopols gewährleistet sein. Verfassungsrecht in Demokratien ist darin eindeutig. Lediglich die Praxis des Rechts gestaltet sich oft schwierig und durchaus wechselhaft. Die Studie von Laila Abdul-Rahman, Hannah Espin Grau, Luise Klaus und Tobias Singelnstein (2023 bei Campus kostenlos downloadbar) greift das wichtige Thema mit einer repräsentativen Studie von 3300 Opfern polizeilicher Gewalt in Deutschland auf (Zusammenfassung). Anders als im amerikanischen Raum fehlt bei uns bisher die Berücksichtigung von Rassismus und räumlicher Verortung in der wissenschaftlichen Aufarbeitung des Geschehens. Das Interaktionsgeschehen oder Eskalationsstufen (S. 31) bieten einen weiteren Ansatzpunkt zukunftsweisend präventiv tätig zu werden. Die Aussetzung der Strafverfahren gegen Polizeibedienstete wegen Gewaltausübung (Körperverletzung) ist mit 93% aller Fälle außerordentlich hoch. Das Kapitel 8 (S. 307ff.) über die strafjustizielle Aufarbeitung offenbart die Randbedingungen der justiziellen Verfahrensweisen.
Das Gewaltmonopol darf nicht in Frage gestellt werden, aber sobald Gewalt des Monopolisten unverhältnismäßig und rechtsstaatlich ungenügend kontrolliert wird, kommt eine politische Gewaltenteilung langsam ins Wanken. Die wehrhafte Demokratie braucht Polizeigewalt, um beispielsweise das Demonstrationsrecht durchzusetzen oder öffentliche Veranstaltungen zu sichern. Aber die Exzesse polizeilicher Gewalt müssen geahndet werden. Solche Anklagen finden wir in England anlässlich der Krönungsfeier, in Frankreich bei Streiks oder Fußballspielen oder in Belgien bei Gipfeltreffen oder Räumungen von Flüchtlingslagern. Das ist keine Randnotiz. Friedlicher Protest ist wesentlicher Bestandteil von Demokratien. Einschüchterung durch Gewaltanwendung ist Teil der dunkelsten Kapitel und muss entschieden unterbunden werden im Friedensprojekt Europa. 
Jahrestage
Jahrestage sind die Geburtstage von Organisationen oder zeitgeschichtlichen Dokumenten. Der 23. Mai ist so ein Jahrestag. Alle BundesbürgerInnen sollten an diesem Tag die Verkündung des Grundgesetzes im Jahre 1949 feiern. 75 Jahre sind das in 2024. Die Ostdeutschen hatten mit den Füßen abgestimmt, dem Geltungsbereich des Grundgesetzes beizutreten. Eine gesamtdeutsche Verfassung lässt noch auf sich warten. Provisorien halten oft ganz gut.
160 Jahre SPD, feiern wir etwas verhalten, ob der enttäuschenden Wahlergebnisse der heutigen Sozialdemokraten beispielsweise in Berlin (außer in Bremen Mai 2023). Der Allgemeine Deutsche Arbeiterverein (ADAV) von 1863 in Leipzig begründete die lange Tradition und der Kampf für Rechte der Arbeiter. Zu dem Jahrestag der Sozialdemokratie passt der am 23.5.2023 in Berlin stattfindende Kongress, gleichzeitig zur 50 Jahre-Feier des Europäischen Gewerkschafsbundes (EGB). Viele Sozialdemokraten haben dabei Anlass beides zu feiern. Ferdinand Lassalle, Gründer des ADAV, forderte aufgrund seiner These vom „ehernen Lohngesetz“, die Armutsbekämpfung zu einem Hauptthema zu machen. 160 Jahre später feiert der EGB in Berlin auf seinem 15. Kongress die erfolgreiche Arbeit für eine europäische Richtlinie für Mindestlöhne. Manche Sprünge brauchen sehr viel Anlauf.
Weiter hinten in der Warteschlange der Aufmerksamkeitsökonomie der Jahretage reiht sich der 25. Jahrestag der Europäischen Zentralbank am 24.5.2023 in Frankfurt ein. Auf allen Feiern gibt es einen persönlichen Vortrag des deutschen Bundeskanzlers Olaf Scholz (gerade zurück aus Hiroshima und Südkorea). Sein Ausrufen der „Zeitenwende“ (Artikel in Foreign Affairs) wird deutlich in dem tösenden Applaus für die Aufnahme der Ukrainischen Gewerkschaften in den EGB (Bild unten) auf dem EGB-Kongress, der quasi im Laufschritt von der DGB-Vorsitzenden Yasmin Fahimi eröffnet wurde. Jahrestage können wehmütige Blicke in die Vergangenheit sein. Dem EGB-Kongress ist ein zukunftsweisender Auftakt „à la Zeitenwende“ gelungen. 
Bücher weg
Bücher, die lange weg waren, können wiederkehren. Das ist die gute Botschaft, die durch die digitale Bibliothek der verbrannten Bücher erzeugt wird. Vergleichbar der erneuten Aufführung von Komponierenden, deren Werke wieder in fantastischen Klangwelten erlebbar werden. Der 90. Jahrestag der Bücherverbrennung durch die Nationalsozialisten markiert meistens nur ein einmaliges Ereignis (10.5.1933 Berlin) in dem brutalen Aufstieg der Nationalsozialisten. Tatsache ist jedoch, dass sich die Bücherverbrennungen über mehrere Wochen hingezogen haben. Ein Beispiel ist die Bücherverbrennung in Potsdam Babelsberg am 24.6.1933. Viele andere Orte warten auf ihre Aufarbeitung. Erneutes Lesen dieser Bücher ist eine Würdigung der geächteten SchriftstellerInnen. Werner Treß wurde im Deutschlandfunk am 12.5.2023 dazu interviewt und beschreibt die erschreckende Hetze, die dabei von den Studentenverbindungen ausgegangen ist.
Erneutes Verlegen dieser Bücher hält die Erinnerung an die „verbrannten Dichter“ wach und verdeutlicht, wie der Einstieg in die grausame Diktatur ablief. Literatur hat neben der Funktion der Unterhaltung und der schönen Künste, sicher eine zusätzliche Aufgabe, die der Verteidigung der Meinungsfreiheit. Dazu gehört das Tolerieren unangenehmer Meinungen, solange sie die unveräußerlichen Menschenrechte berücksichtigen. Dazu ebenfalls ein Hörbeitrag im DLF. Nicht jeder hat die Courage wie der bayerische Schriftsteller Oskar Maria Graf, der solidarisch verkündete, verbrennt mich auch, mit der Konsequenz, unmittelbar ins Exil gehen zu müssen. Exilliteratur ist heute noch vielfach vorzufinden. Salman Rushdie, beispielsweise ist erst kürzlich einem Anschlag entgangen. Lesen all dieser SchriftstellerInnen würdigt ihre Beiträge und ihre Bücher bleiben. (online Link)
5000
“5000 Köpfe. Wer war was im Dritten Reich” enthält eine alphabetische Liste der Hauptschuldigen und Belasteten. Gut, dass es dazu bereits auf Wikipedia eine kleine Diskussion gibt mit weiterführenden Literaturhinweisen. Die viel jüngeren ausführlich recherchierten Arbeiten zu den Kreisleitern in Süddeutschland haben 250 Mitwirkende gebraucht, damit eine gründliche Archivarbeit möglich wurde. Zu der Recherche von Dr. Proske u.a. lässt sich lediglich das Organigramm zu den Funktionsbereichen eines typischen Kreisleiters ergänzen. 
Eine solche Übersicht verdeutlicht, woher die Analogie mit den “kleinen Herrgöttern” kommt. Machtfülle, angehäuft in einer Person, erleichtert selbstherrliche Willkür in der Amtsausübung. Das gleiche Verhalten findet sich bei den berufsspezifischen Biografien zu den Planern und Architekten in der Ausstellung “Macht Raum Gewalt” der Akademie der Künste, die damit gleichzeitig eine Aufarbeitung dieser Profession leistet. Viel lieber würdige ich hier die Biografien der deutschsprachigen Frauen, die sich couragiert der französischen Résistance angeschlossen haben und ihr Leben riskiert und vielfach verloren haben. Positive Leitbilder brauchen wir, besonders wieder in Zeiten in denen Zivilcourage nötig ist, nicht nur in Deutschland.
Macht Raum Gewalt
So heißt der Titel der umfangreichen Ausstellung im Haus der Akademie der Künste, direkt neben dem Brandenburger Tor. Nur 3 Monate bis 16.7.2023 lässt sich durch die Architektur, Planung und Umsetzung zur Zeit des faschistischen Regimes in Deutschland taumeln. Angesichts der monströsen Verbrechen und der unterliegenden ideologischen Doktrin wird die Frage „macht Raum Gewalt?“ auf 2-fache Weise beantwortet. (1) Raum macht Gewalt und (2) Gewalt macht Raum. Das gestalterische Element von Architektur schafft Räume, die individualisieren, personalisieren oder entpersonalisieren können. Die Uniformität im Faschismus kreiert eine visuelle Sprache, die durch ihre Art Räume und Räumlichkeiten zu gestalten gezielt entpersonalisiert. Gewalt- und Machtausübung fällt darin leichter. Räume und Gebäude wurden der Menschlichkeit enthoben, gebaut, den Menschen zu überleben.
So fällt es in entpersonalisierten, bewusst überdimensionierten Raumkonzepten, leichter Gewalt gegen Menschen vorzubereiten und durchzuführen. Die 1. These „Raum macht Gewalt“ lässt sich sozusagen empirisch in der Ausstellung durchwandern. Die 2. These „Gewalt macht Raum“ wird ebenso eindringlich durch die Dokumentation der Zwangsarbeit, Konzentrationslager und massenhaft ausgeübten physischen und psychischen Gewalt durch die herrschenden Faschisten verdeutlicht. Wenn Wörter und Stimmen von Augenzeugen zu fehlen beginnen, werden die Texte, Zeichen, Bilder und Stummfilme zu Dokumenten, wie mit Gewalt Raum gemacht wird. Der expansionistische, imperialistische Drang der Faschisten machte vor keinen Grenzen halt. Juristische Grenzen, menschenrechtliche, moralische oder Landesgrenzen spielten keine Rolle mehr. Rechtsbeugung und Missbrauch war an der Tagesordnung, um Raum, Macht und Gewalt menschenverachtend durchzusetzen.
Die architektonischen Nazi-Hinterlassenschaften, weiterhin sichtbar in Berlin, München und Nürnberg werden nur in den markantesten Bauwerken dokumentiert. Das reicht schon, den historisch bewussten Blick zu schulen. Selbstverständliches Hinnehmen von diesen Anblicken verbietet sich. Das Übertünchen des Adlerkopfes mit weißer Farbe, Symbol für den amerikanischen Adler, sollte in uns die Dankbarkeit für die Befreiung von der Nazi-Diktatur festigen und dazu beitragen, den Tag des Sieges 8.5.1945 der „Alliierten Streitkräfte“ als Tag der Befreiung zu feiern. 
De-risking
Risks are all around us. Risk is the spice of life. True, but this might be an elitist concept of life or business. Survival of the fittest or the best equipped to take risks might be the consequence. After the 3 crises, financial, covid, energy, we have a new impetus to thrive for de-risking. Certainly, concerning our health, we are aware that prevention is key to fight a pandemic. In order to stem an energy crisis, most countries start to rethink their energy mix and achieving more energy autonomy is a major step to shield against risks of delayed delivery or commerce with belligerent states like Russia. De-risking is key in supply chains for industries (automotive production, microprocessors) as well as service providers (cloud services, care givers) just as well. Mariana Mazzucato (UC London) urges us to develop a new narrative to accompany the transformation of our production and service provision models. Mazzucato advocates to learn from lessons from the ground of how to proceed in the best way. Copenhagen is a good starting point to observe how a metropolitan city manages the greening and decarbonisation of a city. It is important to not only target single policies but the coherence of several policies and approaches. In my view de-risking means for Germany and the EU to shield energy systems from foreign, malignant interference. Only local production of energy and nearby consumption of it will ensure the de-risking of energy provision and consumption. Let us start with massive investments in rooftop solar or small wind turbines. Nobody complained about millions of ugly television antenna all around us. Solar cells on balconies contribute to a basic local electricity supply, difficult to target millions of solar cells instead of a single huge and horrifically dangerous nuclear power plant. At the same time ,we reduce dependency on monopoly or oligopoly structures that develop their own agenda (Too big to fail, remember those?). I prefer the reverse statement. Because they are so big, they are doomed to fail and, therefore, fail us sooner or later. The Forum New Economy offered an open and accessible platform for exchange of ideas. That’s a good starting point to address de-risking. Reducing Risk is in the subtitle of Rebecca Henderson’s Chapter 3 on “Reimagining Capitalism” (short Review), but I would like to add the business case for household production of energy for de-risking supply failure and exploitation of consumers through excessive profit margins as a prosumer business case. 
Crises
Crises, yes crises, we have seen a few in recent years. After the first financial crisis, 2009, the COVID-19 crisis and now the energy crisis, , they all have cost us respectively 1.6%, 2.5% and lately a whopping 7.8% of GDP loss according to Tom Krebs (Uni Mannheim and FNE) in his assessment of lessons from these crises. Also Philip Lane (ECB) showed the lower GDP growth rates due to the crises.
We lost out on the wealth of our nations and face mounting difficulties for the distribution of this wealth. As firms cashed in on profit margins lately, workers risk even more to fall behind significantly. At the same time, it is high time to prepare for the next winter season now, to ensure the same risks as the dependency on energy resources from outside Europe, especially Russia, can be maintained. The conference of the Forum New Economy from the 8th of May 2023 discussed several ways forward to learn our lessons from these crises. Strategic independence needs to be properly defined for Europe as a whole, not just in each individual state. Implementation has to be rapid as well. Geopolitical challenges will not wait for us to finish discussions. Germany and minister Robert Habeck has received some acclaim from the economists for a fast and rather successful reaction to safe us from an energy crisis last winter. Massive increases in renewables (+20% solar energy) has helped a lot to ensure sufficent energy supply when France suffered heavy reductions from its nuclear energy power plants. “Let the sun shine … in”, I would sing. However, we have to think even further ahead build our resilience based on improved energy efficiency and may rethink the risks and vulnerabilities of our economic model of production and consumption. Diversifying imports from Russia with imports from other countries and other (green) forms energy is part of the solution. A heavy reliance on China as buyer of our products is good for trade balance, but some sectors (automotive) are nowadays critically dependent on selling in China. Some of our partners are very anxious about this new dependency on Asia for our economic growth model (see figure below from conference). Market based economies suffer more openly from huge economic swings than more secret-based autocratic economies. Our state agencies have to keep that in mind and state intervention seems to become more likely options in future as we have already witnessed in the past crises. We had to rely on running higher state deficits to cover the losses incurred from the crises. The EU, the larger Europe in combination with the transatlantic and pacific alliances has a lot of resources to address these strategic interdependencies. Being prepared, in strategic thinking and potential implementation procedures is a major part of building capacities that ensure resilience and strategic independence. As in a game of chess, you have to think ahead a couple of steps to frighten off some potentially dangerous moves of other players.
In terms of a planetary concern we still have to address the major climate crisis and the last 3 crises have largely contributed to reduce the resources we have available to address climate change. Smart crisis management succeded to ask for emission reductions in return for subsidies from firms and private households. This might be the “best practice examples” worthy to learn from. There are still huge evaluation tasks for analysts of these crises. 
Priming
Nicht nur PsychologInnen müssen über den „Priming Effekt“ Bescheid wissen. Ein vorhergehendes Wort, Bild oder eine kurze Geschichte oder eben ein Blog-eintrag können in der Erinnerung Assoziationen hervorrufen, die das Verständnis oder die Einordnung der neu hinzukommenden Information (Wort oder Bild etc. ) wesentlich beeinflussen.
Bei dem Blog-eintrag zu „Barbie“ kann das relativ einfach nachvollzogen werden. Mit einem Bezug auf die Zeit des Nationalsozialismus, über Täter und Opfer sowie Strafverfolgung und Gerichtsbarkeit als Vorgeschichte oder Vorlektüre wird bei dem Wort „Barbie“ schnell die Assoziation Klaus Barbie in Erinnerung gerufen.
Ein anderes Priming im Kontext von Geschichten zu Geschlechterrollen, Kinderspielzeug, Kleider anziehen, Schönheitsideale sowie Mode erzeugen mit dem nachfolgenden Wort „Barbie“ unmittelbar Assoziationen mit dem Konsumartikel der Barbie als weiblicher Spielfigur bei den meisten Personen. Unser Gedächtnis oder vorherige Informationen lassen uns nicht mehr unabhängig oder unvorbereitet neue Information aufnehmen. Dieser psychologische Effekt auf unsere Meinungs- und Informationsfreiheit kann rhetorisch oder strategisch zum Beispiel in Zeitungen genutzt werden. Wird Ökologie im Politikteil, Wirtschaftsteil oder dem Wissenschaftsteil einer Zeitung aufgeführt, wird bereits eine vorher bestimmte Erwartungshaltung der Lesenden erzeugt, der dann einfach entsprochen wird. Die transdisziplinäre Natur des Begriffs geht dabei schon weitestgehend verloren. Priming ist überall, das fängt wohl schon mit dem Wecker morgens an. Wie gut, dass die Snooze-Taste schon erfunden wurde. Zumindest kurz können wir uns der Illusion hingeben, noch für eine kurze Weile, dem allgegenwärtigen, alltäglichen Priming zu entkommen. 
Demos
Wenn Demokratien den Demos fürchten und es vorziehen mit Verordnungen zu regieren, dann wachsen die energischen Verteidigenden der demokratischen Prozesse. Frankreich erlebt das Szenario im Ringen um Macht zwischen Exekutive, Legislative, Judikative und dem Willen des Volkes jenseits der festen Fristen von Wahlperioden. Die “Ligue des droits de l’homme” hat das gut formuliert und ruft zu Aktivitäten in mehreren Feldern auf. Aus einer sozialen Krise wird rasch eine Krise der Demokratie von größerem Ausmaß, davon ist auch Frankreich, wie viele andere europäische Staaten nicht gefeit. Demokratie ist kein “Menu à la Carte”, wo ich die Bereiche für demokratische Prozesse aussuchen kann, die mir am besten passen. Macht geht immer dann verloren, wenn sie sich nur noch auf sich selbst berufen kann. 
Architecture
Architecture is all around us. However, we rarely consider the build environment as “conditioning” feature of our life. Architecture is contributing extensively to our perception of “social space” (Bourdieu). Inner cities, suburbs or spacious residential areas have diverse impacts on our perception of, for example, security, modernity, health or sanitary sensations. The corona-crisis has made it clear to most people that a healthy environment is a very essential part of our perception of comfort. Here the psycho-social perception of living and/or working space enters into the co-creation of housing people. Technology is a big driver of change in housing, urban spaces and rural imagination. In order to avoid corona infections a new culture of working from home for the masses become a health-driven imperative. Payment without contact, home delivery of meals, food, books, medicine have changed the living style of many people. Too little movement for our bodies has caused another silent pandemic of obesity. Enough reasons to rethink architecture from a sociological perspective on it. This probably starts with speaking of architecture as architectures. By this we mean to think of architecture from its social origins, functions, impacts and perceptions. Great historical examples of architects have implicitly or explicitly formulated a social theory of architecture or space as the basis of their “concrete” realisations. The sociology of professions of architects and the many construction-related professions needs empirical foundation beyond the cliché of socialisation as artist versus technician. Still recent forms of participatory democracy as part of urban and rural planning as well as realisations. Participatory individual or community housing are likely to stay with us. People want to get involved in co-creating their living and working space as their social environment. Architecture as social process and specific layer of the network society will be the new mantra. It has always been there, implicitly. Up to us to strengthen the social discourse on architecture. 
Bundesarchiv
Bundesarchive gibt es kilometerweise. Auffinden und Zurechtfinden in Archiven ist eine Vorliebe von historisch Interessierten. Eine Soziologie des Berufs „Historian“ muss wohl noch geschrieben werden. Die Pforte, das Gelände und die Eingangshalle des Bundesarchivs in Berlin-Lichterfelde sind für einige einladend, für andere naja, belastend oder gar belastet. Architektonisch an eine Kaserne der 1930er Jahre erinnernd, ist ein gewisses historisches Umfeld eventuell eine Einstimmung auf eine bevorstehende Recherche. Das freundliche Personal hilft unterstützend über die Registrierung und die Orientierung zu den Beständen hinweg. Sofort ist, wie beim wissenschaftlichen Nachwuchs, die Eingrenzung der Forschungsfrage von Nöten. Die Findbücher, die sortierte Ausdrucke der elektronischen Datenbank „Invenio“ darstellen, lassen einen die Vielfalt der Archive erahnen. Eine einfache soziologische Fragestellung „Homogamie in der NS-Zeit“, also die Praxis von Heirat von Personen mit vergleichbarem sozialem Status, vor während und unmittelbar im Anschluss an die NS-Zeit, verlangt mehrere Datenzugänge. Konstruktion des Zugangs von Männer- oder Frauenseite. Zentraler Zugang geht zunächst über die Bestandsdatei NS 1 „Reichsschatzmeister der NSDAP“. Aus den nationalsozialistischen Frauengruppen entstand am 1.10.1931 die NS-Frauenschaft. Seit dem 29.3.1935 genoss die NS-Frauenschaft den Status einer Gliederung der Partei unter der Leitung von Gertrud Scholtz-Klink. Der Bestand umfasst 3,5 Millionen Aufnahmeanträge und ist in Berlin-Lichterfelde einsehbar. Neben den Mitgliedschaften sind auch besondere Vermerke zu den Gebäuden und Grundstücken der NS-Frauenschaft (BArch/NS 1 5.2.6.4) bspw. im Gau Berlin dokumentiert (BArch/NS 1 2504 und 724). Eine Lebensverlaufsstudie ist da schwierig zu konstruieren. Ein Geburtskohortenansatz dennoch eine interessante Möglichkeit, eventuell auf die Muster von Netzwerken hinzuweisen. Parteimitgliedschaften, Vereine, Verbünde und ihre Rituale wurden scheinbar der Propaganda untergeordnet. Eine These, die es zu beweisen gilt. Die interreligiöse Andrews Chapel auf dem Gelände (im Hintergrund) lässt dann vielleicht wieder zur Ruhe kommen. 
Menschen
Im Bundesarchiv in Berlin sind einige Fotos zu einer Variante der Vermessung von Menschen ausgestellt. Nicht nur in den Kolonialregionen wurden Menschen zu rassenideologischen Studien vermessen. Die Kurzbeschreibung dazu und die 2 Bilder reichen, um diese scheinbar wissenschaftliche Praxis zu dokumentieren. Zurecht wird auf den Skandal mit der weiteren Verwendung dieser Daten bis 1981 hingewiesen. Es gab Kontinuitäten von Wissenschaft die heute noch erschrecken lassen. Kritischer Umgang mit jeglicher Art von Daten gehört zu dem Curriculum guter wissenschaftlicher Praxis. Diese darf nicht vor ethischen Fragen Halt machen, auch wenn das die weitere Verwendung der Information blockiert. Der Kinofilm “Der vermessene Mensch” hat dafür erneut sensibilisiert. Ethnologen und Ärzte wurden vielfach in den Dienst von Ideologien gestellt oder haben sie willentlich vorangetrieben, oftmals aus persönlichen Beweggründen. Skandale in und um Archive gehören zur Weltgeschichte, wie die geschichtliche Erkenntnis selbst. Mediale Verbreitung und Bestätigung von Klischees werden schon lange verurteilt, aber mit wenig Erfolg, wie der Deutschlandfunk Kultur selbst berichtet (Link Sendung Fazit). Die Kitas und Schulen haben ihre Hausaufgaben ebenfalls schlecht gemacht (Link). Wo ein Wille ist, ist meistens auch ein Weg, aber wenn der Wille fehlt aufgrund von Stereotypen wird sich wenig ändern.
20th Century
The 20th century has told us many lessons. History does not repeat itself, but it appears that new variants of old themes keep coming back. Slowly passing the century like a movie in decades instead of episodes, we witness socio-emotional tides. The first decade, the 00s intensify the beginning of urban planning and social revolutions. The 10s show the arousal and subsequent extinction of masses of people in trenches. The 20s were described as the Carefree Twenties. In the 30s we observed the rising tides of fascist organisations followed shortly afterwards by the disastrous 40s. After the Shoah and the World War the 50s were fabulous viewed from the U.S. and Western Europe. The 60s propagated sex, drugs and rock n’ roll spreading across continents. The wild 70s became almost inescapable through the continued rise of mass media. The 80s were depicted as the colourful 80s as the 2 previous decades had set the scene for psychedelic colours. The 1990s have been coined as the gay 90s by some. Coming out as a gay person became easier and Western societies more sensitive and open to diversity. The back cover of the recent publication by Aurélien Bellanger “Le vingtième siècle” (The 20th century) speaks of the book as “roman polyphonique virtuose”. I look back on the 20th century as “polyphone” in many respects. It would be an illusion to believe we can only keep the nice sounding harmonies without the tensions or dissonances. 
1900s
1900 marks the year of the 5th world exhibition in Paris. The Eiffel tower, built for the 4th exhibition in Paris remains the iconic attraction despite the new architecture that is added to Paris as the Petit and Grand Palais as well as the 1st Metro line. Art Nouveau style adds to already impressive architecture in and around Paris. With the planning horizons of several years in advance of events, urban planning with all its facets of urban infrastructure and architecture becomes much of a defining scientific discipline for decades and for most of the time of the century. Grand urban architecture and design constitute just another form of competition between nation states. Most of them want to show off their imperialist acquisitions and, what they define as “curiosities” at the time.
Habib (2005, pp.502) singles out Arthur Schopenhauer and Friedrich Nietzsche as “heterological thinkers” who coin major thoughts in the late 19th century that shall influence the beginning of the 20th century right from the year 1900 onwards. “The world should be formed in your image by your reason, your will, and your love! And truly, it will be to your happiness you enlightened men!” (Nietzsche. Thus spoke Zarathustra 1978, p.110). In retrospect from the 21st century we shall doubt this overly positive approach to human intentions and their will to form the world according to their abstracting ideas only. Tensions between technology and society became visible and it took many decades before society became conscious that it is up to society to choose technologies they preferred.
The planning for the Brussel Expo 1910 started right after the previous Expo 1905 in Liège. Protests in Brussels accompanied already the choice of terrain for the Expo, but the governors and shareholders of the enterprise decided 1906 for a site near the “forêt de Soignes”, where trees had to be cut for access to the construction site and for future visitors under local protest. Women workers were present to exhibit the low pay of women in industries. Child labour was documented with shocking images. Around the globe labour movements started to raise attention. In the U.S. the National Women’s Trade Union League (1903) was founded as well as the National Child Labor Committee (1904). “Bloody Sunday” in St. Petersburg (1905) saw the killing of peaceful protestors in front of the Zsar’s palace, which ignited the Russian Revolution of 1905 and the creation of the Russian Parliament. Some of these issues (child labor) keep returning to our social agenda well into the 21st century.
Einstein’s publication of the theory of special relativity (1905) as well as challenges from social philosophy reflects the huge discrepancy between advancement of the sciences and the living conditions of the masses. Social theories and science advances foreshadow the violent turbulence throughout the 20th century.
(Sources: (1) Max Welch Guerra et al. (2023). European Planning History in the 20th Century: A Continent of Urban Planning. Routledge. (2) St. James Encyclopedia of Labor History Worldwide: Major Events in Labor History and Their Impact, Neil Schlager (2004). (3) Images from I. Van Hasselt(1980) Bruxelles Expo 1910: l’incendie / de brand. J Stevens. 
10s
The 1910s have been eclipsed completely by “the Great War” between 1914 to 1918. The 1st world war certainly was the most horrific period of the decade of revolutions and mass arousal. From a global history perspective the years preceding and shortly after the humanitarian disasters deserve more attention, if we were to derive lessons for prevention of other world encompassing wars of imperialist states. The numbers 1st, 2nd, … 3rd (?) world war suggest an unescapable numbering of events. We no longer can think in this trivialising logic of war or historical determinism. Empires go to war more easily than democracies. This was the social scientists’ consensus after the Great War. It took several years for many European states to turn more democratic, allowing women to vote, or introduce more robust health and social security systems. Powerful aristocracies would not cede power easily, only the widespread poverty after the Great War and the human losses discredited many aristocratic regimes throughout Europe. The imperialist dominance of the beginning of the 1910s produced a spirit of ruthless conquest and exploitation of colonies around the world. It took another global war and almost half a century to dismantle these regimes. To understand global alliances and impediments of wars in the 21st century, the early 1910s are instructive as they inform the restitution of artefacts debate in the 2020s. In the history of ideas, the 1910s are probably best characterised as the period of attempting to turn “grand ideas” into political facts on the globe. The rise of Marxist ideology, liberal and fascist counter movements started to take powerful roots at the end of the 1910s. All these ideas and factual changes of the maps of power still seem to govern a lot of international politics even today. 
20s
In retrospect from the 1930s and in prospect from the 1910s, the 1920s may well be described as “The tumultuous Twenties”. Several other summary notions are attributed to the 1920s. “Les années folles” in the French speaking world, “The Jazz years” within the U.S. or the “Wild 20s” in Germany coined the decade after the disillusion of the 1st world war. The economic and cultural revival after the period of atrocities has seen thriving city centres and comparatively little economic hardship until the Wall Street crashed on October 24th in 1929 the so-called “Black Thursday”. The party was suddenly over and a lengthy economic crisis spread globally. It was within this free spirit of the 1920s that the Fascist counter movements of the 30s started to take roots.
The 20s saw the skyscrapers soar and the credit-financed speculation was at its highest. Pierre Boudon (1991, pp. 137) characterises the architecture of the 1930s as “l’inversion des signes”. The Bauhaus of the 1920s was later forced into emigration. The film of F. Lang “Metropolis” (1927) prolonged the constructivist lines of the 1920s to a haunting vision of big cities with its daunting acceleration of economic and cultural experiences.
Walter Benjamin later referred to the method of technical reproduction as one of the major foundations for the mass movements and mass culture, which turned the relatively prosperous early and mid 20s into the disastrous 30s. Indeed, many scholars combine the 20s and 30s into one historical period as the rise and decline between the 2 world wars of the 20th century.
Certainly in terms of economic development many countries witnessed a steep rise in prosperity in the 20s followed by deep recession in the 30s. What went up in spectacular terms in the 20s, economic development, democratic participation, came down in the next decade due the rise of Fascist movements.
100 years later in the 2020s we still struggle with many of the same issues. Poverty and “Existenzminimum” were topics of the 2nd International congress of modern architecture in 1929 in Frankfurt. This reflects the lasting need to address “social issues” throughout decades, if not whole centuries of mankind. 
30s
In retrospect the 1930s would deserve well the label of the disastrous 30s. In terms of human tragedy the 40s were worse, but the foundations for the millions of deaths through the Shoah and the second world war were enacted throughout the 1930s. My reading of the decade is dominated by the rising tide of hate throughout the 30s. The fascist movements in Italy and Germany were growing rapidly. From the entry number 185.729 (later committed war crimes in Ukraine) at the 1st of January 1930 the German NSDAP membership grew to 7.352.197 (Reichsakademie für Leibesübungen) on the 1.1.1940. This is still about 3 million persons less than at around the peak in 1944/45 of for example entry number 10.123.636 (later Foreign Secretary of Germany). The House of European History of the European Parliament in Brussels provides a good depiction of the spread of Fascism and dictatorships in Europe in the 1930s. Whereas Italy had turned Fascist already before 1930. Hungary was also under dictatorship already at the beginning of 1930. The rise of the German Nazi political party NSDAP turned out to be the most disastrous and devastating fascist movement and dictatorship throughout the 30s. The maps with timelines represented in the permanent exhibition in the House of European History reflect the spreading disaster for millions of persons. Many writers and social scientist had the correct apprehension and “apocalyptic imagination” (Pearce, 1971) to seek refuge early. But this turned out to be a not generalisable exit option for most persons concerned. Only few countries managed through early decisive action against the spread of fascism to escape from, better shield themselves, or fight against the rising tide. In the late 60s and the 70s youth at the time started to question the role of their parents in the rise of nationalist movements in Europe. An interesting reference for Canada is the teaching reform that materialised in the “box of the 30s” (Weinland and Roberts, 1972). The 1930s Multi Media Kit for teaching history contained photos (Guernica), radio clips, extracts from novels, but also recipes or recorded interviews. Make history speak and start with a “personal touch” to it. Avoiding the economic failures of the 1930s and the rising tide of fascists throughout the 30s are high on the political agenda 90 years later in the 2020s again.
